[以史为鉴] 张东园:“弘电再临”说真相系列(二十七)

2012年05月24日讯】注:"弘电再临"是一位以还原历史真相受到网友广泛关注的大陆学者在新浪微博的用户名,已经被新浪微博删除账户超过30次。此系列文章所有内容均从"弘电再临"微博整理,非张东园创作。

【民国43】鲁迅的《纪念刘和珍君》一文中声讨的北洋政府,在三一八惨案发生后,政府长官段祺瑞得知后向遇难学生下跪,并为此终生不肉食。晚年家人劝他开荤以增强体质,被其拒绝:"人可死,荤不可开。

【民国44】1932年5月28日,在苏州举行"淞沪抗战"抗日阵亡将士追悼大会,4万多人参加,蒋光鼐念及数月来所思所感,凝悲愤于笔端,挥毫亲撰一联:自卫乃天赋,三万众慷慨登陴,有断头将军,无降将军,石烂海枯犹此志;相约以血前国耻,四十日见危授命,吾率君等出,不率其入,椒浆桂酒有余哀。

【民国45】1945年的蒋介石像"八年抗战胜利纪念"勋章,在2003年某文物拍卖会以3630元成交。作为中华民国时期颁发给对八年抗战有功的文武官员和社会贤达人士的抗战胜利勋章,首批只颁发94枚,蒋光鼐就是其中获得者之一。

【民国46】耻辱纪念碑。1945年苏联红军以"解放者"的姿态进入东北,烧杀抢掠奸淫,无恶不作。时人记述"凡苏军所到之处,妇女被强奸,东西被搬走,房屋被烧毁"。苏军的暴行及《雅尔塔密约》的公布,导致了46年的全国反苏大游行。如今,历史被刻意湮灭,而施暴者的纪念碑却戴着虚幻的光环嘲弄着我们民族的耻辱!

【民国47】抗日名将孙立人:新1军军长。抗战时孙立人在国内除了参加过淞沪会战外,基本上没打过仗,他的功勋主要是在缅甸建立的。尤其是远征军第一次入缅作战时,他在仁安羌一战中,以少胜多,大败日军,救出了7000多英军和记者,蒋介石、罗斯福、英王乔治都给他授勋章,由此声名大振。

【民国48】最早提出"持久战"的是蒋方震。他是民国元老,做过袁世凯、黎元洪、吴佩孚、孙传芳、唐生智、蒋中正的幕僚。卢沟桥事变前夕,蒋方震出版著名的小册子《国防论》,提及"持久战",与共产党阵线中的朱毛言论形成呼应。在扉页上,他饱蘸深情地写道:"万语千言,只是告诉大家一句话,中国是有办法的!"

【民国49】北洋人物吴佩孚。吴是一个坚定的民族主义者和爱国者。在大节方面几无大过失。他虽出身北洋,但坚决反对袁世凯称帝,并力劝自己老上级曹锟与袁划清界限。五四运动,他站学生一边,发通电支持并要求政府释放被捕学生。与日本人抗争,更是他晚年人生的华彩乐

【民国50】1932年日军轰炸上海,直指商务印书馆,总厂全毁,东方图书馆几十万书籍片纸无存,焚书的纸灰在空中飘浮,仿若云雾,持久不散。这是自火烧圆明园以后,最重的文化惨剧。一位日军司令说:"烧毁闸北几条街,一年半年就可以恢复。只有把商务印书馆这个中国最重要的文化机构焚毁了,它则永远不能恢复。"

【民国51】战役中身负"汉奸"骂名的张自忠率部急行军180里抢渡沂河,以劣势装备强攻板垣师团,激战5昼夜将其击溃。战后面对记者团张自忠一言不发,放声大哭。两年后张自忠马革裹尸,而那些骂他汉奸的人却有不少投靠了日寇。

【民国52】30岁成中国第一夫人,组建飞虎队成中国航空之母;"西安事变"营救丈夫,抗日中无畏生死多次赴前线、共五次遇险。赴美演讲,咆哮愤怒控诉日本、成世界偶像;争取中国四强地位;开罗会议名扬天下。有人说她是最杰出外交家,也有说是100年最伟大女性。宋美龄,享年106岁。

【民国53】从《蒋介石日记》看蒋介石如何领导抗战,蒋介石抗战时期的日记每一篇右上角都写着"雪耻"二字,整个抗日战争,国军对日军作战阵亡将士132万人,其中少将以上军官阵亡208人。

【民国54】蒋介石的一生1,光复浙江,全身捆好炸药和一百多敢死壮士冲进浙江府。2,讨伐袁世凯失败后全国通缉他,袁世凯将其老师陈其美暗杀后连其家人都不敢收尸,蒋一个人一张板车为陈其美收尸。3,为统一中国向孙中山《献北伐书》,从此受孙中山器重。20年后自己北伐统一中国。4.组织军民抗日最终胜利。5台湾实行宪政。

【民国55】1934年蒋介石对中国的评价是这样的:绝大多数中国人的精神状态是浑浑噩噩,毫无生气。我们的官员虚假伪善,贪婪腐败;我们的人民斗志涣散,对国家福利漠不关心;我们的青年颓废堕落,不负责任;我们的成年人则淫邪险恶,而又愚昧无知;有钱人纵欲放荡,花天酒地;而穷人则体弱污秽,潦倒于黑暗之中。

【民国56】1937年8月16日至12月1日,中日江阴海战。这是抗战期间唯一一次海军战役;是甲午战争以来最重大的损失。日军出动加贺号航母击沉了几乎当时国民党海军所有主力战舰,使得当时中国海军部队几乎消耗怠尽。1943年11月,海军一级上将陈绍宽提出建造20艘航母计划。他说:"这笔钱国家是省不得的。"

【民国57】中山装涵义:1.四方袋"礼义廉耻"。袋盖为倒置笔架,寓意以文治国。2.门襟五粒扣和五个口袋(一个在内侧)代表"行政、立法、司法、考试、监察"五权分立,比西方多两项。3.袖口三粒扣代表"民族民权民生"三义。4.后背整片,代表国家统一。5.衣领紧闭代表严谨治国。

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Same Bed, Different Dreams: Managing U.S.- China Relations, 1989-2000 (A Philip E. Lilienthal Book)

Same Bed, Different Dreams: Managing U.S.- China Relations, 1989-2000 (A Philip E. Lilienthal Book)
The title of this unique insider's look at a crucial decade of Sino-American interchange derives from a Chinese expression that describes a relationship of two people whose lives are intimately intertwined but who do not fundamentally communicate with each other. David M. Lampton, former president of the National Committee on U.S.-China Relations, demonstrates that while the United States and China have enormous interests at stake in their bilateral relationship, neither has been particularly deft in dealing with the other. His fascinating account shows how the processes of globalization, along with the development of international regimes and multilateral organizations, have brought America and China increasingly close in the global bed. At the same time, their respective national institutions, interests, popular perceptions, and the very characters of their two peoples, assure that the nations continue to have substantially different dreams.
Lampton explores the reasons why the Sino-American relationship is so difficult for both nations to manage and suggests ways it can be more effectively conducted in the future. His unique experience in China--nearly thirty years as a scholar, as the head of a policy-oriented exchange organization, and as director of Washington think-tank research programs--enabled him to spend extended periods with Chinese leaders and see them as they encountered America, as well as to observe U.S. leaders as they tried to come to grips with Chinese circumstances. Among many other key events, Lampton witnessed firsthand the aftermath of Tiananmen Square, successive congressional battles over most-favored-nation tariff treatment, the end of the Bush era and the rocky beginning of the Clinton administration, the death of Deng Xiaoping and Jiang Zemin's transition to power, the reversion of Hong Kong to Chinese sovereignty, and the Asian financial crisis that unfolded from mid-1997 to the end of the decade.
Lampton's careful documentary research is supplemented by interview! s and ac counts of his personal interaction throughout the period with leaders and key players in Washington, Beijing, Taipei, and Hong Kong. The book thus represents a singular combination of historical research, policy analysis, and personal observation, and offers guidance for those in both America and China who must shape this critical relationship in the twenty-first century.

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